Neuerscheinung

Meyer-Hamme, Johannes; Thomas, Rüdiger (2012): Subjektorientierte historische Bildung. Geschichtslernen in der Auseinandersetzung mit widersprüchlichen Deutungsangeboten zur DDR-Geschichte. In: Deutschland Archiv Online (6). Online verfügbar unter http://www.bpb.de/geschichte/zeitgeschichte/deutschlandarchiv/139259/subjektorientierte-historische-bildung?p=all, zuletzt geprüft am 03.07.2012.

In der Online Zeitschrift „Deutschland Archiv Online“, die von der Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung herausgegeben wird, ist jüngst ein Beitrag von Dr. Johannes Meyer-Hamme zur Erinnerung an die DDR-Deschichte und die Erinnerungspolitik sowie didaktische Überlegungen dazu aus dem Blickwinkel der Bildungsgangdidaktik erschienen:

"Was heißt guter Geschichtsunterricht"?

Heute ist erschienen:

Meyer-Hamme, Johannes; Thünemann, Holger; Zülsdorf-Kersting, Meik (Hg.) (2012): Was heißt guter Geschichtsunterricht? Perspektiven im Vergleich. Schwalbach / Ts: Wochenschau Verlag (Wochenschau Geschichte; Geschichtsunterricht erforschen, 2). ISBN: 978-3-89974777-5

In dem Band wird eine einzige Geschichtsunterrichtsstunde aus mehreren Perspektiven beurteilt.

In dem Band finden sich auch Beiträge von Mitgliedern des Arbeitsbereichs Geschichtsdidaktik:

  • Meyer-Hamme, Johannes (2012): ‚Ja also, das war ’ne gute Stunde‘- Qualitätsmerkmale von Geschichtsunterricht aus Schülerperspektive. In: Johannes Meyer-Hamme, Holger Thünemann und Meik Zülsdorf-Kersting (Hg.): Was heißt guter Geschichtsunterricht? Perspektiven im Vergleich.  Schwalbach / Ts: Wochenschau Verlag (Wochenschau Geschichte; Geschichtsunterricht erforschen, 2), S. 21–38.
  • Körber, Andreas (2012): ‚Putsch‘ und ‚Revolution‘ — Begriffe als Voraussetzung und Gegenstand historischen Lernens. Versuch einer kompetenztheoretischen Interpretation. In: Johannes Meyer-Hamme, Holger Thünemann und Meik Zülsdorf-Kersting (Hg.): Was heißt guter Geschichtsunterricht? Perspektiven im Vergleich. Schwalbach / Ts: Wochenschau Verlag (Wochenschau Geschichte; Geschichtsunterricht erforschen, 2), S. 95–106.

Körber, Andreas; Kompetenzorientierung in der Domäne Geschichte: Vortrag in Saarbrücken

Körber, Andreas (2012): Kompetenzorientierung in der Domäne Geschichte. 2012, 22 S. Vortrag über Kompetenzorientierung im Geschichtsunterricht; gehalten am 27.6.2012 auf einer Veranstaltung der Universität Saarbrücken. In Pedocs: http://www.pedocs.de/frontdoor.php?source_opus=10235&la=de.

Körber, Andreas (27.6.2012): Kompetenzorientierung in der Domäne Geschichte. 2012, 22 S.

Vortrag über Kompetenzorientierung im Geschichtsunterricht; gehalten am 27.6.2012 auf einer Veranstaltung der Universität Saarbrücken. In Pedocs: http://www.pedocs.de/frontdoor.php?source_opus=10235&la=de

Multiperspektivität — eine Verständnishilfe aus aktuellem Anlass

Körber, Andreas (2012): Multiperspektivität — eine Verständnishilfe aus aktuellem Anlass (Blogbeitrag)

Aus einer aktuellen Hausarbeit: Mit der Bereitstellung von Materialien mit verschiedenen Anschauungen soll „den Kindern die Chance gegeben werden, eine geschichtliche Begebenheit möglichst sachgerecht und neutral einzuschätzen.“ Es solle vermieden werdem, „eine einzige Textquelle als die richtige Sichtweise“ auszugeben, sondern vielmehr verschiedene Interpretationsmöglichkeiten  zu eröffnen, „und durch das Zusammenfügen und das Ergänzen mehrerer Aussagen der ‚historischen Wahrheit‘ etwas näher zu kommen.“

Das ist richtig, aber auch nur die halbe Wahrheit, oder besser: das komplexere Verständnis wird nur angedeutet. Es ist richtig, dass Multiperspektivität auch eine ggf. unbewusste Indoktrination vermeiden helfen soll, die durch die Präsentation nur einer Sichtweise entstehen könnte. Aber es wäre falsch, den Sinn der Multiperspektivität darin zu sehen, gewissermaßen in den verschiedenen Perspektiven liegende ‚Verzerrungen‘ zu erkennen und am Ende durch den Vergleich zu einern ‚verzerrungsfreien‘ Variante zu kommen, die dann als ‚objektiv‘ gilt. Die Perspektiven wären dann nur noch Störfaktoren, die es durch Vergleich herauszurechnen gilt. Sie sind aber vielmehr notwendige Elemente jeglicher Aussage. Es geht bei der Multiperspektivität auch um die Erkenntnis, dass das Ereignis (oder die Struktur etc.) unterschiedlich wahrgenommen, eingeschätzt und beurteilt werden musste, nicht (nur) wegen unterschiedlicher Ideologien, sondern auch wegen ganz natürlicher unterschiedlicher Vorerfahrungen, Interessen, Voraussetzungen, etc. — und dass es für die Menschen in unterschiedlichen sozialen und kulturellen Positionen auch unterschiedliches bedeutet haben kann oder gar muss.

Mehr noch: neben dieser abstrakten Erkenntnis, dass Perspektivität unhintergehbare Bedingung ist, die am jeweiligen Beispiel exemplarisch erarbeitet werden kann, geht es auch um die konkreten Perspektiven auf dieses konkrete Ereignis und um seine konkreten Bedeutungen, die es zu kennen gilt: sie sind — im Rückblick — Teil des Ereignisses selbst. Objektivität entsteht also nicht durch „Herausrechnen“ der verschiedenen Perspektiven, sondern durch ihre plurale Einbeziehung.
Perspektivenwissen ist integraler Teil des Geschichtswissens.

Neue geschichtsdidaktische Literatur von Mitgliedern des Arbeitsbereichs

gerade ist erschienen:
Barricelli, Michele; Lücke, Martin (2012; Hgg.): Handbuch Praxis des Geschichtsunterrichts. Schwalbach/Ts.: Wochenschau (Forum Historisches Lernen); 2 Bde. ISBN 978-3-89974-621-1

Darin sind auch mehrere Aufsätze von Mitgliedern unseres Arbeitsbereichs enthalten:

  • Meyer-Hamme, Johannes (2012): „Historische Identitäten in einer kulturell heterogenen Gesellschaft.“ In: Barricelli, Michele; Lücke, Martin (2012; Hgg.): Handbuch Praxis des Geschichtsunterrichts. Bd. 1. Schwalbach/Ts.: Wochenschau (Forum Historisches Lernen); S. 89-97.
  • Borries, Bodo von (2012): „Nicht nur kognitive Lernziele.“ In: Barricelli, Michele; Lücke, Martin (2012; Hgg.): Handbuch Praxis des Geschichtsunterrichts. Bd. 1. Schwalbach/Ts.: Wochenschau (Forum Historisches Lernen); S. 422-438.
  • Borries, Bodo von (2012): „Unterrichtsplanung – Artikulationsschemata – Lehrervorbereitung.“ In: Barricelli, Michele; Lücke, Martin (2012; Hgg.): Handbuch Praxis des Geschichtsunterrichts. Bd. 2. Schwalbach/Ts.: Wochenschau (Forum Historisches Lernen); S. 181-201.
  • Barricelli, Michele; Gautschi, Peter; Körber, Andreas (2012): „Historische Kompetenzen und Kompetenzmodelle.“ In: Barricelli, Michele; Lücke, Martin (2012; Hgg.): Handbuch Praxis des Geschichtsunterrichts. Bd. 1. Schwalbach/Ts.: Wochenschau (Forum Historisches Lernen); S. 207-235.
  • Körber, Andreas (2012): „Graduierung von Kompetenzen.“ In: Barricelli, Michele; Lücke, Martin (2012; Hgg.): Handbuch Praxis des Geschichtsunterrichts. Bd. 1. Schwalbach/Ts.: Wochenschau (Forum Historisches Lernen); S. 236-254.

Artikel zum Interkulturellen Geschichtsunterricht

Anfang des Jahres ist das „Klinkhardt Lexikon Erziehungswissenschaft“ (KLE) erschienen:

Horn, Klaus-Peter; Kemnitz, Heidemarie; Marotzki, Winfried; Sandfuchs, Uwe (Hgg.; 2012): Klinkhardt Lexikon Erziehungswissenschaft. 3 Bde.. Bad Heilbrunn: Klinkhardt (UTB 8468).

Darin ist auch ein Artikel über „interkulturellen Geschichtsunterricht“ aus meiner Feder (Körber 2012; S. 116) enthalten, der auf Grund der langen Vorbereitungszeit (mehrere Jahre) die Weiterentwicklung des Konzepts der „interkulturellen historischen Kompetenz“ aus meinem Aufsatz Körber 2010 nicht mehr aufgreifen konnte.

A.Körber

Literatur:

Vortrag zur Bedeutung des Themas Kreuzzüge für interkulturelles Geschichtslernen

Körber, Andreas (17. 12. 2011): “Die Kreuzzüge – ein ergiebiges Thema für interkulturelles Geschichtslernen?”. Vortrag gehalten auf der Tagung “Kreuzzüge des Mittelalters und der Neuzeit: Realhistorie – Geschichtskultur – Didaktik.” an der Universität Hildesheim am 17.12.2011.

Körber, Andreas (17. 12. 2011): “Die Kreuzzüge – ein ergiebiges Thema für interkulturelles Geschichtslernen?”. Vortrag gehalten auf der Tagung “Kreuzzüge des Mittelalters und der Neuzeit: Realhistorie – Geschichtskultur – Didaktik.” an der Universität Hildesheim am 17.12.2011.

“Uses” and “ab-uses” of history. Possible consequences for history teaching at schools

Körber, Andreas (2011): „‚Uses‘ and ‚ab-uses‘ of history. Possible consequences for history teaching at schools“. Talk delivered at the EUSTORY Seminar (Ab-)Use of History, Helsinki, August 7th to 10th, 2011. In: http://www.pedocs.de/volltexte/2012/6626/

Körber, Andreas (2011): „“Uses” and “ab-uses” of history. Possible consequences for history teaching at schools“. Talk delivered at the EUSTORY Seminar (Ab-)Use of History, Helsinki, August 7th to 10th, 2011.

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Andreas Körber

Uses” and “ab-uses” of history. Possible consequences for history teaching at schools

Talk delivered at the EUSTORY Seminar (Ab-)Uses of History,: Helsinki; August, 7th – 10th, 2011

1 Introduction

Use and Abuse of History. The terms central in the subject of this conference are both: quite strong and quite unclear – especially when applied to a subject like history. When confronted with the suggestion to contribute to the discussions, here, I immediately had some associations coming to my mind which had nothing to do with history at all, but with a series of “abuse”-subjects in public debate of recent years – mostly abuse of children by adults in educational or religious institutions, by parents, and so on. Surely, this was not was was meant by the colleagues suggesting this venue. So I put these associations at bay – but they will play a role in my talk later on.

Of course, I was also reminded of professional debates not only more close to, but rather directly central in the area I am working on: theory of history, namely the question of the possibility of truth and objectivity in our domain. This is something many colleagues have reflected upon and where some fundamental insights have been gained in the last decades. So the question for me was in this case, whether under the heading of “use and abuse” there was to be another discussion of objectivity. I doubted that this would meet much interest, here. So I tried to put this strand aside, too.

There is, of course another strand of debate, related to the latter, which is much more prone to the subject of this event, and that is the question of responsibility of professional historians and all others presenting accounts of the past – more concrete, the question of what history to tell and what not to tell. It is the question about the correct, not the true, history, even though the two questions are strongly interrelated, at least from some points of view.

When communicating with Andrea Sensenschmidt and Hannah Kokkonen – sparsely, I must admit – the question was presented whether I could not say something about history teaching in the former “German Democratic Republic”, the Soviet-allied Eastern Germany. I declined this, partly because I am by far no expert on that subject. There are others who have done first hand research on it, some of them from a Western perspective (e.g. Hans-Dieter Schmied,1 Heike Mätzing,2 …, already in times of German partition), and others with their own educational and sometimes even professional background as didacticians of history in the East, like Christina Böttcher, Marko Demantowsky,3 Saskia Handro4 etc., but also because I felt that it would be only half inspiring to present a complex where the judgement that it would fall under “abuse” at least mostly, was known from the start. In fact the judgement on a specific way of “using” history on the basis that it is founded on a certain ideology is always problematic, because we must be aware that our own system of values may be (and most often is) seen as “ideological” by the others. After the end of the block-confrontation this argument is not done with. Even though Western political thought and values have proved to be superior to totalitarian ones, we still have to admit and consider that our values also are contingent and may be challenged as “ideologic”, especially from other cultural perspectives.

Much more rewarding, so I thought, would be the subjects covered by others, about how to address controversial and “problematic” issues in research and teaching. From my point of view, I might already state here at the beginning, there is not question on whether to present a specific historical account, it is not about properly selecting, but rather about the attitudes, the function and the methods. In my view, it is not the what but the how and what for of historiography and history teaching, which merited reflection. So “use” and “abuse” are not about whether presenting a specific subject, a specific story, amounts to abuse, but whether there are specific criteria by which to judge about the “how” of this presentation.

Tow more points of start for my reflection need to be mentioned. First of all, the terms “use and abuse” are far from well elaborated. They are used quite differently, especially in our domain. This needs to be reflected, first. And here a reference needs to be made to the recent discussions about child abuse.

Secondly, the question of “uses” of history (in the more proper sense) has already been addressed by colleagues. Margret Macmillan, the renowned Canadian colleague, has published a popular reflection on it quite recently, and one of the colleagues present here, Klas Göran Karlsson, has taken up the question of uses and even of ab-use at a conference in November 2008, the proceedings of which have just been published. It is his very short answer of the question what defines abuse, which I’d like to initially cite, criticising one of his ideas, but to finally come to a conclusion, which can be read as a support of his.

2 The problem of “use and abuse” I: Terminology

Within his considerations, Karlsson, however causally quotes Friedrich Nietzsche’s second “untimely considerations”. This famous text, which starts with an appraisal of the animals‘ ignorance of any history, their living only in a present, thus being free from any obligations of any past, and of a “superhistorical” standpoint (which in my view, informed by Jörn Rüsen, would rather be an exemplaric use of history), and then differentiates between three “uses” of history (monumental, antiquarian, critical), all of which are deeply rooted in present needs, has at least in some English editions (although not the better one used by Karlsson) been titled “Use and Abuse”. This notion is problematic. Nietzsche most profoundly did not want to constitute a specific criterion for proper use of history lying in its own domain, but reflected upon the advantages and disadvantages of history (thus the best translation, similar to that of the edition used by Karlsson: “uses and disadvantages”).5 As for the subject of my talk and of the whole conference, I take it that we don’t talk about “advantages” and “disadvantages”, about the “pros” and “cons” of referring to the past, that its is not a question of whether to “use” history in the first place, but that we do talk about the dimension of proper and improper use.

3 uses and abuses – a question of typology?

In his presentation in 2008, Klas-Göran Karlsson distinguished different “uses” of history, as had Margret Macmillan: In short, their reflections, which are both very interesting and valuable to read, can be summarized as a typology of motivations of presenting accounts of the past for reasons which lie in the present. There are quite a variety of such motivations and of specific structures of presentations following them. The enumeration here can give just an overview.

      1. scientific usage: characterized by internal criteria of quality and validity, by the idea of approximating an ideal knowledge or at least the idea of progressively “better” understanding, by the regulative idea of a dissociation between the authors‘ interests and the subject matter researched, and by the idea that teaching and telling (Karlsson speaks of “mediation”, which is by far a too reflective term for the position sketched here) means “transport” of the proper knowledge into the learners‘ or readers’/listeners‘ minds (which is thought possible because the “true” history – even though “valid” and “relevant” – is conceived as independent from the recipients‘ perspectives and interests as from the researchers‘.

      2. Existential use of history

      3. moral use of history

      4. ideological use of history

      5. “non-use”

      6. “politico-pedagogical use”

      7. MACMILLANS “History for Comfort”

        1. History as the ultimate explanation for life

        2. History as an escape from the present

        3. History as a book of examples for good and evil

        4. History as the judge for current politics

        5. History as a field of current politics (reconciliation, repentance, apologies, history wars)

All of theses uses – as is made explicitly clear by Karlsson, have their merits, their own dignity. They cannot be just divided into supportable and insupportable, in uses and abuses. This in part is due, I’d like to suggest, that Karlsson’s and Macmillan’s typologies are not “pure” typologies, listing mutually exclusives modes or ways of “using” history, but rather relevant and combinable dimensions which need to be discerned within any “use” of history. It may be true that there is no necessity for them all to be present in a randomly selected use, but at least some of them will always be there in combination: politico-pedagogical use can be highly driven by moral considerations, or by ideological ones, and so on.

For us, glad to say, this is no problem, because Karlsson does not single out some as proper and others as improper. The criterion for abuse, according to him, is – in a pictorial metaphor – not a division between some of them and others, but lying across them, dividing feasible and fallible versions in each category: for him, it is the violation of human rights.

But: is this a criterion which is in any way helpful as to the specificities of history? Can it be satisfying to refer to a criterion outside the theory of history, only? Isn’t there something like an inside criterion as to when a presentation of history, a story etc. amounts to abuse?

In general, I’d like to support Karlsson’s liberal view that there is not one “correct” use of history, not one way of “doing it”, which takes all the merits, but that the diversity of “usages” can be feasible and supportable – especially that it is not just the “scientific” use or the history of the historians, which has more dignity. Margret Macmillan also rejects the idea that history belongs to the historians, even though she more strongly keeps up the idea that historians have a stronger capacity to formulate valid histories, mostly because of their possibility to take more time and efforts on the task (because they are trained and paid to do so), but also with a reference to the idea that historians can be more impartial, more distanced than normal people. Throughout her book, the idea is visible that there is one criterion for use and abuse which comes from history itself, namely the appropriateness of the depiction of the past: The past itself is the criterion for use and abuse of history.

To a much lesser degree, this criterion is also discernible in Karlsson’s other differentiation between a genetic and a genealogic mode of history. “Genetic” he calls – not as the first – the “perspective” in which we gain and transmit knowledge about the development up to now, whereas the term “genealogic” refers to the “making” of history “by reflecting ourselves and our present situation in the past” (Karlsson 2011, 133). His (supportable) ideal is the “balance” of these two modes in what he calls a “reflective historical consciousness”,6 which could “join these two fundamental historical perspectives in so far that a genealogical perspective can provide genetic history with agency and criteria of relevance, while a genetic perspective is needed not only to supply us with historical contents, but also to help us understand why history is recalled and represented the way it is.” (Karlsson 2011, 134). He links this to Kierkegaard’s dictum about living life forward, but understanding it backward. Again: Supportable as this view is, it is also problematic, insofar as it sums up to differentiating between a knowledge of the “real history” of the “contents” (what ever that means: what is the container of these contents?) and its uses in the present, between the substratum and the operations. This, to my view, can not hold. I will dwell on this point from another angle in a few minutes, but would like to sketch my solution here in advance, first: I don’t think that there is a possibility of any division between the substratum of historical “contents”, of any “real” history and the operation of historical thinking. In my theoretical framework, they are linked together much more profoundly than suggested by Karlsson. It is not a question of joining these two perspectives or modes, but whether they can be separated from one another in the first place more than analytically. I suggest that what Karlsson calls “genealogic” is a modus, a mode of asking, of the operation which essentially turns our advertence to things past and their interconnections, in the first place, while what he calls “genetic” is a mode of answering to such questions stemming from the genealogical perspective. “Genetic” then can be the type of history told when asked for one’s genealogy. However, it is not the only mode for such narrative answers. Jörn Rüsen already distinguished at least four of them in his well-known typology later on corrected and refined by Bodo von Borries (and me).7 Genelogical questions, questions asked with a view to the past out of a present need for agency and relevance, can not only be answered by telling a genetic story highlighting and stressing a development of fundamental changes, but also by referring to rules and laws covering situations occurring in quite different times (the exemplaric mode) or by referring to well-established traditions (the traditional mode).

Thus – and this is why I refer to this point here – the differentiation between the history and its “use” is erroneous: History, or rather: histories, do only come into existence by “usage”. They are not a substratum already present when the genealogical interest starts acting – at least not in the way suggested by the title of this conference and by Karlsson and more strongly by Macmillan.

4 The problem of “use and abuse” II: Conceptualization

I already hinted that I think that the idea of “using” history is wrong in a certain way. In order to illustrate this, I’d like to refer to the already mentioned debate on child abuse: When the media started to be full of this concept of “child abuse”, some of the brighter commentators immediately asked (without wanting to play down), whether talk of child-abuse was not a problem in itself, because it forces us to think about what a proper “use” of children would be. Can children be “used” so that one can differentiate other uses as improper, which then are called “abuse”?

The idea behind this challenge of the public debate and its terminology is conceptual: Whoever uses the term “child abuse” refers to a concept of “child use” and in it to a concept of children as being “objects”. Human rights, however, demand – at least when based on the ideas of Kant – that no human being be treated only as a means to some outside aim, that no human being be treated as an object only.

Let’s dwell for a moment on the notion of “usage” and on the connotation of the object implied in it.

Clearly, in this understanding of “usage”, of “emploi”, the object is already there before it is used – we have already seen that point. But more – it also is considered of existing as it is independently of the usage. The object to be used is seen to have an existence and a specific constitution independent from the usage and the user. If to people e.g. use a book for gathering information, the book it itself, the material text, is given and the same for both of them. If they use it for e.g. blocking a door against moving in the wind, the book also is taken as an existing object.

“Using” means to employ an “objectively” existing object for some outside purpose.

For this kind of notion, there can be some criteria for feasibility considered:

Criteria for feasible uses of this kind may be manifold:

      1. The first criterion may be whether the object was intended for the purpose. Thus to take a book for reading may be more feasible than for using it for blocking a door against wind etc. But as we can see, this not a necessary criterion: it may be feasible to “ab-use” an object for a new, unintended purpose, if other criteria apply:

        1. First, that the objects really helps to fulfill the function. The object must be useful. In constructivist terms, what us central here, is the viability.

        2. Second, whether the object is damaged in such using. If a book is most likely to be squeezed to unreadable status by the wind-moved door, its deploy for this purpose may be rendered “ab-use” in the normative sense.

        3. Thirdly, another criterion can refer to the symbolic value of the object. Using a book for stopping a door against wind may be feasible for someone, even though he would call the use of a Qu’ran abuse.

All these criteria have two things in common:

  1. They refer to cases in which objects were used for purposes for which they were not intended.

  2. They are applicable – as said before – if history is to be conceived as a pre-existing entity, unchanged for all of its users.

So we should once more think about what history is and what it is made for.

  1. If “history” refers to an entity independent from our usage, to the real past or at least our best knowledge of it, we should, I think, easily confer that it was NOT made for any of our uses. It is one of the thoughts stressed in some early concepts of post-modern theory of history: Our predecessors, the people having lived before our times, did not do so in order to provide us with “content”, with examples. They may not be reduced to being the substratum of our own orientation. The question, then, is not that of what kind of use would amount to ab-use, but whether history should be used at all. If we take this argument seriously (and I think we should), it would forbid any “use” of history for some other purpose that to “live it”. “History” taken as the past entity of reality and the lives in it, clearly have no other purpose that to exist.

  2. If “history” does not refer to this past reality, but to our own concepts of them, to our constructions, then we cannot object to such “usage”, because history is not used as a distinct object were, but is is created in this operation in the first place.

So I clearly tend to the second understanding of history – and I would preserve the term for it. The former, the real lives of the people in the past, for their hopes and values etc., should be called “the past” only.

So again, we arrive at a distinction which is very central: The reality of other times is “the past”. It can be used, and maybe also “abused” in the meaning of the term used in recent discussions: improper, condemnable emploi of an existing object.

But clearly, this does not mean that “anything goes”, that everybody is unconditionally free to create any historical account she or he wishes, that there are no criteria whatsoever.

So let’s try to take the argumentation a bit further:

History in the understanding just outlined is a relational concept. It is not the past in itself, but a certain relation between the past(s) and a specific present – more precisely: a specific social, cultural, normative and temporal position. Therefore, criteria for the feasibility of histories can only be taken from the relation. Jörn Rüsen has suggested three of them:

      1. empirical plausibility

      2. normative plausibility

      3. narrative plausibility.

Since we do not have any other access to the past reality as the substratum of historiography, we cannot compare any given history to this reality, but only either to other histories of the same narrative (and that is: selective, partitional, perspectival, normative etc.) nature. If we want to test the empirical plausibility of a history, then we should test it against the current accessible amount of best first-hand data. As for the normative ingredients, we need to compare it to our own audience and society’s values and as for the narrative plausibility we have to refer to the current ideas of what is acceptable in terms of explaining etc.

But this may not be enough for our purpose. I only referring to Rüsens tripartite concept of plausibilities, we have reduced the question of ab-use of history to the question of “objectivity”. I don’t think this is satisfactory.

So I think we should take into account another characteristic of “history” in the narrativist meaning: “History” – even though an individually created narrative relation to the past – is a communicative concept. History unfolds its full capability of orientation if it does not only link us as individuals, quasi as monads, to a past that is foregone, but if it helps us understand how our present society in its complexity has been come about and how it is perceived by others. If we want to be able to act in our society, we do not only have to clarify our own relation to the past, but we have to do so with that of our co-members of society also. It is not only about who I think I am in my light of the past, and what I make of it, about my intentions and motivations, but also about

  • who the (different!) others think they are, in their view of the past, what their perceptions of themselves are and their possible actions,

  • who I think they are and what they could or should do,

  • who they think I or we are, etc.

For this collective orientation, we need to exchange our narratives, we need to tell them, but we also need to integrate them.

Form this consideration, long ago laid out by Kurt Röttgers, we can abstract some other criteria for use and abuse of history. But before I shortly elaborate on them, I might stress, that from here on, these criteria do not refer to “history” as a synonym of “the past”, but that here I refer to the narrative relations to the past, which I would reserve the term history for.

  1. First of all, if one function of histories is not only to individually, but to collectively orientate, then they need to integrate perspectives. In order to do so, they need to reflect the valid perspectives, i.e. the interests, needs, values etc. of today’s members of society. A history which does not reflect their different perspectives, questions, values, patterns of explanation etc. would not be orientating but dis-orientating. So as a criterion, proper history have to integrate the perspectives of different partitions of their audience, not to impose one perspective on these different fractions.

  2. Secondly, histories have to offer narrative explanations, connections, and attitudes to the past as well as conclusions and motivations. Again it would be improper (and here I would start to use the word ab-use in the full sense) if they imposed such connections and motivations. This criterion needs some more elaboration: How can a history offer but not impose if it is supposed to present such a connection. How can a history fulfil its narrative task but not overdue it in this direction? The answer I suggest here is: By allowing the reader, the listener to take his own position in relation not only to the past but to the narrative structure of the history itself – by laying open the ingredients, the inner structures, so that the reader can relate to them.

If this is what Karlsson meant by not violating human rights, if his criterion was that the audience, the addressees, the public needs to be taken seriously in their capacity to actively relate to story, and that not doing so would be violating human rights – then I fully agree.

5 Using Histories

So slowly taking the curve to the last aspect, I hold that there is a “using” history in the sense of “using narrative structures” in human communication. And in this sense, there can be use and abuse – and they can be seen on at least two sides of the communication:

  1. “Using history” can mean the operations a person carries out with regard to a given, a presented narrative, be it their “(cognitive) particulars” (Karlsson 2011, 135), the connections constructed in it, the conclusions drawn and offered and the appeals made. It can consist in their accepting them and in their doubting, their distancing from them, their critique.

    On the recipient’s side, then, proper use of histories would be to recognize and accepts one’s own capacity and responsibility, one’s entitlement, but also obligation to actively relate to histories. It means to listen and read thinking.

  2. On the author’s side, proper use of history the means a way of addressing the recipient in a way which again recognizes his competence, it means to not trap him into a situation where he cannot actively relate, he may not be overpowered or overwhelmed.8 This requires to

    1. identify rather than hide the constructional status of the present history, the fact that it has been created by a specific, personal authors, with specific questions in mind, a specific background etc.

    2. to make visible his perspectives and values etc.,

    3. to discuss the ingredients of the story, the characteristics of the primary source material used, the concepts applied etc.

    4. to at least acknowledge, better: indicate, best: present and discuss contrasting and contradictory materials, conclusion, judgements,

    5. to at least indicate those parts of the story, which are more inferential than others – in a pictorial metaphor: which might be drawn in black and white or greyscale rather that full colour.

    Misuse, or abuse then clearly would be to hinder the recipient to make up his own mind, to reflect his/her own situation towards the story told, the “contents”, the values and concepts applied etc. Again: to violate the human right to self-determination.

Two small remarks to the side:

  1. Using these criteria, we might easily arrive at condemning much of Eastern German historiography and history teaching – but I am sure that lots of historiography and teaching in the “free west” would look meek, too).

  2. The concept of “mediation” used by Karlsson and criticised by me above, can be regarded from here, too: If “mediation” is considered as “transmission” of a story to an audience, their heads and minds only, in a way where it has to be unchanged, this would be ab-use. The term “Vermittlung” in German clearly has the same problem. In most cases it is taken as “transfer of knowledge” to the students, whereas a proper consideration not only from pedagogical perspective9 but also from terminology would yield that it has to make different perspectives and understandings, different positions towards an object, a “content”, here: a historical account meet and recognize each other.

6 Use and abuse in History Teaching

This leads over to the last aspect: For didactics, use and abuse of history can also be discussed on the basis laid down above.

Any history teaching which only focuses on providing students with (at least parts of) the one story in a fashion where it is best unchanged, any teaching which conceals from learners the nature both of the specific history at hand (including those in the textbooks) and of history as such as a narrative construct, with strengths in orientating offer but also with limits, which conceals that these histories do not just represent the past, but have a function in today’s societies and that they need to be assessed, related to, analysed and scrutinised, amounts to ab-use.

History teaching not abusing history (or better: histories) then has to focus on the learners acquisition of the capacities, the competencies to recognize and accept their own responsibility and entitlement towards presented stories. Learners must not only learn to tell stories (in a proper way) but also to actively act as critical recipients. This is not only valid with a view to the individual’s human right of self-determination, but also with a focus on society and on history as such: Abuse can only work if recipients do not recognize and actively take their critical role.

History teaching which is about hindering ab-use, then, is about

  1. empowerment – about empowerment of the learners to acknowledge and assert their own entitlement

  2. It is about not just teaching “the history”, but also the narrative, constructive logic of history from the start,

  3. It is about actively addressing historical debates and history wars – but not creating the impression that these history debates and wars as such were abuse, but that maybe one side, more often some participants on all sides, have better and worse arguments, which may be abuse,

  4. it is about considering the role of history and of specific argumentations in such debates and history wars,

  5. it is not about avoiding to take sides and stands, but to make clear on what grounds they are taken – and about letting the learners to take their own stands (but of course not without proper argumentation).

It would be abuse to hinder learners to get insight into the function and role of history and histories in societal debates and to take their own reflected position.

Thank you.

1E.G. Schmid, Hans-Dieter (1979): Geschichtsunterricht in der DDR. Eine Einführung. Stuttgart (Anmerkungen und Argumente 25); Schmid, Hans-Dieter (1982): „Die Entwicklung des Geschichtsunterrichts in der SBZ/DDR.“ In: Bergmann, Klaus; Schneider, Gerhard (Hgg.; 1982): Gesellschaft – Staat – Geschichtsunterricht. Beiträge zu einer Geschichte der Geschichtsdidaktik und des Geschichtsunterrichts 1500-1980, Düsseldorf 1982, S. 313-348.

2Mätzing, Heike Christina (1999): Geschichte im Zeichen des historischen Materialismus. Untersuchungen zu Geschichtswissenschaft und Geschichtsunterricht in der DDR. Hannover (Schriftenreihe des Georg-Eckert-Instituts für internationale Schulbuchforschung, Bd. 96). Heike Mätzing is also Co-Editor (to Verena Radkau) of a bibliography on History Teaching in the GDR: Mätzing, heike Christina; Radkau, Verena (Eds.; 2000): Die DDR-Geschichtsdidaktik im Spiegel der Publikationen seit 1990. Eine Bibliographie. In: www.gei.de/docsS96.htm (Stand Dezember 2000).

3Demantowsky, Marko (2000): Das Geschichtsbewußtsein in der SBZ und DDR. Historisch-didaktisches Denken und sein geistiges Bezugsfeld unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Sowjetpädagogik (1946-1973). Bibliographie und Bestandsverzeichnis. Berlin (Bestandsverzeichnisse zur Bildungsgeschichte, Bd. 9). Demantowsky, Marko (2003): Die Geschichtsmethodik in der SBZ und DDR – ihre konzeptuelle, institutionelle und personelle Konstituierung als akademische Disziplin 1945-1970. Idstein (Schriften zur Geschichtsdidaktik, Bd. 15);

4Handro, Saskia (2002): Geschichtsunterricht und historisch-politische Sozialisation in der SBZ und DDR (1945-1961). Eine Studie zur Region Sachsen-Anhalt. Weinheim/Basel (Schriften zur Geschichtsdidaktik; 13).

5Karlsson (2011), p. 132 citing Nietzsche, Friedrich (1983): „On the Uses and Disadvantages of History for Life.“ In: Nietzsche, Friedrich: Untimely Meditations. Cambridge: Cambridge, UP, pp. 57-124.

6Reference to the FUER project and the discussion about whether historical consciousness were not reflective by default or by definition (Pandel, Schönemann) in Germany? Support for Karlsson’s position.

7On this, see Körber, Andreas (2011): “German History Didactics: From Historical Consciousness to Historical Competencies – and beyond?” In: Historisch denken lernen. http://historischdenkenlernen.blogs.uni-hamburg.de/2011/12/11/1348/, p. 13f.

8This aspect is of course not only relevant for history. In teaching contexts, it has been formulated with reference to social studies as the first aspect of the „Beutelsbacher Konsens“ – the „Überwältigungsverbot“.

9Oelkers? Girmes.

 

Literaturhinweis: Publikationen zum Interkulturellen Geschichtslernen

Der Landesjugendring Berlin teilt mit, dass aus dem Projekt „Meine Deine Unsere GeschichteN“ hervorgegangene Materialien nun online und zur Bestellung bereitgestellt wurden:

Eine Übersicht…

 

Political Competencies or Democracy Competence and Competencies of Historical Thinking? Some Current Trends in Civic Education in Germany

Social Studies, Political Education, Competencies, Politische Bildung, Demokratiepädagogik, Geschichtsdidaktik, Politikdidaktik

[the following article has been published in Spanish as:

Körber, Andreas (2010): “¿Competencias políticas o competencia democrática y competencia de pensar históricamente? Tendencias actuales de la educación cívica en Alemania.” In: Iber: Didáctica de las ciencias sociales, geografía e historia. 66, pp.92-104.

A.Körber

Introduction

This article aims at giving a short overview over developments in German civic education, i.e. the academic debate and pragmatic programs. An in-depth-account over all strands of inquiry, debate and reform, cannot be aimed at for mainly two reasons: Firstly, “civic education” is a rather wide and unstructured field, which combines different academic disciplines and their didactical counterparts resp. branches, namely political sciences, economical studies, sociology resp. social sciences, the latter of which is sometimes understood as an integrated discipline also embracing legal studies” for non-specialists. Secondly, educational administration is the domain of the federal states in Germany, resulting in schools subjects and curricula as well as forms of examination varying. Thirdly, concepts and models are not merely “handed down” from academics to administration and practitioners, but the latter are constitutive actors in the debates and the development. The dividing lines between institutions and school subjects in this field run along somewhat different lines than in other countries and educational cultures.

Both main trends selected for this short overview1 can be seen as being focussed on a comparable concern: the promotion of students’ abilities in the modern, pluralist society. Their starting-points, theoretical backgrounds, relations to developments in other fields and disciplines and thus their understandings of the main common term, “competence” is quite different.

Orientation on “Outcome”: “Competencies” and “Standards”

One of the developments to be considered and therefore to be sketched here is linked to the concepts of “educational standards” and domain-specific “competencies”. Even though political competencies have not been subject of large-scale-assessments both before and within the PISA program2 (as e.g. has been the case with competencies in mathematics, modern languages and science), the general notions and concepts of these programs – namely the orientation to educational “outcome” – have also influences civic education.

When in 2000 the German sample achieved disappointing results in the international PISA-program (at least compared to the self-image of the German educational system), the standing conference of the federal secretaries of education (KMK) decided to draw consequences in form of a general re-orientation of the steering-model of education. Instead of prescribing the contents of lessons in general schools in curricula (“input-orientation”), schools were to be given more autonomy to decide on the contents, whereas the results of these lessons were to be de- and prescribed in a stricter way than before (“outcome”-orientation and standardisation). The idea was that identical (or at least comparable) “competencies” could and should be developed in lessons and courses working on different subjects. This called for a much stricter conceptualization of what the comparable “outcomes” should be. These needed to be both applicable to different situations, i.e. transferable abilities and skills, and verifiable.

Building on developments under way in other countries for several years before, namely the standardisation-trends in the USA, the development of “rubrics” for self-assessment, new possibilities of quantitative educational research using probabilistic models (mainly RASCH), and the debates around “key competencies” and “quality management” in education, a program was set up to define “models of competencies” for some of the main school subjects, namely German language and literature, mathematics, biology and modern foreign languages (cf. KMK 2004). Especially for the latter, this program could also build upon the results of the long process of international development of the Common European Framework of Reference for Languages (CEFR).

One of the results of this course pushed by the KMK was that representatives of school subjects not included in this list feared that their subjects might lose rank compared to others, being “second class subjects” no longer being eligible for major exams (cf. Sachse 2005). For many such subjects (amongst them geography, history – and political studies), therefore school administrators, didactics and teachers joined in efforts to establish the main instruments of this new steering model of school administration: models of competencies.

The role model for these had been sketched by a KMK-committee (Klieme et al. 2003), referring to a definition of competencies by F. E. Weinert, since then quoted in almost every related publication. The commission had promoted it as a structured set of definitions of the main “areas” of skills and abilities as well as “motivational and volitional factors” which can be distinguished as being necessary for people to act in the respective field of knowledge and action (“domain”). With the latter term, taken from cognitive psychology, the committee dampened the orientation to established school subjects still dominant in the school administration discourse. Furthermore, it thus encouraged definitions of “competencies” focusing not mainly on the tasks and requirements in the schools themselves (“what abilities do students need to pass the next exams and succeed in higher grades?”) but rather on the requirements met by citizens and “jobholders” in modern societies. This, however, has only had little effect – especially more so, since the whole program aimed not only at the definition of competencies, but also to their standardization for different levels (or “niveaus”)3 with a main regard to an “intermediate” exam. While the Klieme-expertise outlined a program of standardisation via probabilistic methods and thus of arriving at concrete standards only after extensive empirical research, especially creating, testing, dif­fe­ren­tia­ting /”nor­malizing” sets of items for each competency, representatives of many subjects aimed at for­mulating “standards” in a rather quick way.

As for the area of study in question here, one of the several professional associations focusing on political education for youths and adults (GPJE) took a head start and presented a competence model of the said kind within rather short time (Detjen et al. 2004). Directly building on the said definition of “competencies” by Weinert and the outline by the Klieme-committee, it presented a structured set of abilities to be developed by political education in schools, up to the “intermediate exam”. As with most models presented in the following years, it described the areas of skills and abilities but refrained from expressly defining “niveaus” of the sketched competencies.4

For our concern in this article, it is not necessary to sketch the whole model of competencies. A short overview is given in Graph 1. For the comparison of this trend to “orientation on competencies” to the other development to be sketched below (ch. 3), it is necessary to characterise the understanding of “abilities” and “competencies”:

When in 2003 one of the German associations for civic education, the GPJE, presented their educational standards for political education, it was one of the first collections of such standards to appear after the central Klieme-Expertise5 – a speed specifically remarkable because of the fact that civic (or its variations) education as a school subject was not intended to develop such standards in the first place. Other subjects followed with some delay – especially geography, religious education and also history; in most of them, not one model was presented, but different competing ones.

The GPJE-standards presented descriptions of abilities and skills of students after grade 4, ca. 9/10 (intermediate secondary degree) and 12/13 (Abitur) resp. the end of vocational training. These abilities were sorted into three dimensions of competencies. This structure is given in Graph 1.

Graph 1: Dimensions of political competencies after Detjen et al 2004, p. 13 (Transl. A.K.)

 

Within these three dimensions, all of which are founded on a basis of conceptual knowledge necessary for analysis and interpretation, specific outcomes (standards) are defined for different grades, e.g. for the end of grade 4 (selection): the students can (Detjen et al. 2004, p. 19):

  • “explain function of selected public institutions on different political levels”

  • “formulate questions and opinions with regard to political events and conflicts which meet their personal interest” (political power of judgement);

  • “formulate and reason/justify political judgements to matters of politics/polity/policy and tolerate other positions”;

  • “practice the rule of majority as a democratic means of deciding, e.g. whenever consensus is not to be found within learners’ groups” (political ability to act);

  • “simulate a politically relevant situation by means of play”

  • “use books and electronic offers of information, especially those for children on the internet for class subjects” (methodical abilities).

and additionally for the “intermediate school exam” (grade 9/10):

  • “the students have command over a reflected insight into the political system of the Federal Republic of Germany, its economic and societal order and their interdependences”;

  • they have “conceptual knowledge about the commitment to fundamental rights and personal freedom as core concepts of states with democratic constitutions”;

  • they can “reflect and judge political matters (events, problems) taking into account the perspectives and expectations of people concerned and of politicians” [] (political power of judgement);

  • “form own political judgements and support them in confrontations with other positions in a fact-orientated, argumentative way” (political ability to act);

  • they are “able to reconstruct the role of media communication for the political public referring to an adequate example” (methodical abilities).

“Democratic Education”

The second development in civic education to be covered here is based on a different concept of “competence”. While the contributions discussed in the chapter before all are focusing on both the differentiation of the general aim of enabling students to participate in society into different competencies and levels, the focus of this other project is on a more general “democratic competence”. In addition, while the former complex uses a more distinct concept of “political”, focusing on the societal tasks of deriving and legitimizing mandatory and obligatory decisions, resp. reflecting on the models of procedures and legitimations in democratic societies, this second complex of initiatives employs a broader concept of “democratic competence” which embraces abilities and skills not only in the narrower field of “politics” and “polity”, but in democratic and civic societies as a whole. In a certain sense, the initiative to be shortly sketched in the following paragraphs is more of a civic education, while the former is more “political” – a differentiation which has led to both debate and second reflections about the aims of both projects.

As has been hinted before, this second trend in civic education employs a broader concept of “democracy” as the basic structure of society, not only of the political system as such. The trend has been set by a program of the joint federal/federal countries’ commission (BLK) initiated by Wolfgang Edelstein and Peter Fauser, the background of which was a negative assessment of the both psychological and political condition of youths in Germany, which can only be hinted at here by naming central problems: right winged extremism, racism and xenophobia (especially in specific milieus of underprivileged youths and with a recognizable east-west gradient), (mostly male) violence in schools connected with school climate and learning quality, widespread annoyance with and disinterest in politics.6 The program aimed at an educational answer to these problems. Therefore “Living and Learning Democracy” was meant rather a program for school development in general, addressing democracy as a goal of all education and learning democracy as a general task, than as a program for civic education in special. Youths’ distance towards politics and the resulting inability to rely on interest in classical political problems combined with a recognition of an increased abstractness and complexity of politics led to an orientation towards a democratic renewal of school in itself, focusing on individualised and cooperative methods of learning, on enabling positive learning and self-experiences, as well as experiences with “elementary democratic processes” such as “negotiating, cooperating, planning, voting, deciding etc.”; Edelstein/Fauser 2004, p. 12f). The fact that the identified tendencies stood in alarming contrast to the aims of the established civic education, which (as shown above) was and is orientated towards a participatory model of citizen, and in a way proved it unsuccessful (p. 17), has led to influences of the program’s conceptualization onto the civic education framework, especially with regard to the concepts used in it. “Democracy” in this context is much more than a form of government and a set of principles used in it – it is a quality of everyday life and of societal and public order, a “life-form” and a constitution with humane conditions and the refrain from violence as criterion of implementations (p. 18). based on this orientation towards enabling positive experiences with basic democratic processes which can be transferred to the conceptualization and recognition of “high” politics and can foster interest in and disposition for participation, “democracy” becomes as much a pedagogical as a political concept, the two realms being thoroughly interwoven.

This has proved both valuable for bridging the gap between students’ “life world” and everyday experiences (and challenges) on the one and “politics” on the other hand, but also has led to an inflationary usage of “political” concepts and thus the peril of blurring conceptional understanding. For example, initiatives and programs aiming at strengthening “human rights”, i.e. the understanding of their necessity and importance as well as enabling students to respect them (i.e. their fellow-citizens’) in their everyday life are on the one hand necessary. On the other hand they might blur the understanding that “human rights” in the narrow (not: proper) sense protect the individual against the collective’s (mainly the state’s) transgressions. In German political theory, there is, however, no recognition of a direct “horizontal effect” of basic and human rights.

If doing so in projects leads to reflections on the necessity to a) indirectly securing humans rights also in the “horizontal” (citizen-to-citizen) relationship or b) changes in the said political theory, these programs promote the conceptual understanding of students. If, however, they restrict themselves to social learning, fostering students’ ideas to behave “civic” (in the sense of ‘tolerant’ and ‘actively communicative’) to each other (and especially other groups), they are valuable, but tend to undermine the political understanding of the special nature of “human rights”.

“Democracy competence” in the understanding of this second project-complex is much more as a combination of “political competencies” in that it stresses the necessary , not solely cognitive, insight of students that democracy is not a given structure for governing only to be acted within, but also constitutes a way for organising a society and a way of living,7 which needs to be upheld and strengthened in everyday life. In this sence, the singular of “democratic competence” is significant against the plural of “competencies” in the former complex. The specificity of political vs. societal competenc(i)e(s) is, however, subject of reflection and debate.

One more point should be considered. While the former, PISA-driven, complex uses a concept of “competencies” which has been informed and influenced by a debate around “key qualifications”, it carries along a connotation of the term as qualifications to be triggered/called upon by others. This notion partly stems from the use of this concept of “competencies” in advanced training in economical settings. There, sometimes at least, “competencies” are conceived of as part of “human resources” to be developed, but to be called upon by the employer. The other root of this connotation has already been mentioned: it is the understanding that “competencies” describe abilities and skills needed in school. Both factors contribute to an understanding of “competencies” as abilities and skills, but without the aspect of responsibility for their being called upon. “competence” in the full sense, however, does also embrace the notion that the holder of a specific skill needs to be the one finally deciding on whether to use it or not – competency as responsibility. In other words: Fostering and enhancing “competencies” must also embrace the idea of strengthening the subjectivity of the learner, his (or her) individuality in acting and reflecting upon actions and results. In this view, orientation towards competencies can be seen as another step of a subject- or learner-orientated pedagogy.

This notion of responsibility for one’s own actions (and omissions), for leveraging abilities and skills, is stronger connotated in the second project of “democracy competence”, along with the already mentioned responsibility for promoting democracy as a form of living together.

Andreas Petrik to some extent bridges the differences between the two sketched positions. Making use of concepts of teaching developed in the 1950s and 1960s in German, he developed a concept of civic education which is both far from being focused on institutional and formal democratic knowledge in stressing democratic competence and responsibility, and from being unpolitical, avoiding the dissolution of the realm of “Politik” into mere social behaviour. Based on the tradition of exemplaric situational tasks as well as on scenario techniques, he developed a complex “Lehrkunststück”8 addressing both democratic competence insights into political concepts and political attitudes called the “village founding” (Petrik 2007).

Separate or Integrated Subjects?

Back in the 1960s history as a school subject was challenged in its status (Schreiber 2005) and claim to provide the main part of civic education and the relation especially of historical and political education has been under debate. Can history, political education and geography be integrated as parts of a general “civic education” or are they different disciplines which need to for different subjects? The result of the following series of reflections on this subject (Hedke/v.Reeken 2004) was a differentiation of the two subjects (and disciplines) not by the subjects covered, but by the modes of reflection: while history addresses events and structures under the aspect of temporal orientation, political education does so under the aspect of procedures for finding and legitimizing binding decisions (Lange 2004). Throughout the last 40 years, both separate and integrated school subjects have been formed in different school types and federal states – with a trend to separation in Gymnasium. Recent reforms have, however, again installed integrated forms and are still doing so.9 In the light of the theoretical discussion (Hedke/v.Reeken 2004, Lange 2004, 2006, Körber 2004, 2006) and of the orientation to competencies, this should not lead to a conceptualisation of the integrated subjects to be just parts of a general integrated subjects, but to an understanding of each providing a specific set of competencies for students needed by citizens to participate in a complex society in which problems are not separated but integrated. Thus, each subject can and must be understood as a specific “domain”, ad the school subjects as a form of integration, not conflation and agglutination. A consequence of this is that in teacher education, the different identities of the disciplines need to be stressed and marked as well as the competence of the teachers to integrate, while any plan to form generalized “civics teachers” is to be considered problematic. History teaching, e.g. can thus be understood as the elaboration of students’ abilities to do their own historical thinking both in terms of synthesis and of analysis of narratives prevailing in their society’s dealing with history. “History” as a subject does not only cover the past of current problems to be addressed, but addresses the skills and concepts needed in order to participate in a society where historical orientation is under constant debate.

Conclusion

As a conclusion, it can be noted that both in the broader field of social science education and in history education the idea of “competencies” is central within the last years. Even though the understanding of “competence” resp. “competencies” is different across approaches, the notion that teaching is neither centered around the “transmission” of declarative resp. propositional “knowledge”to children nor around a fundamentally pedagogical but not disciplinary “education”, but rather about enabling learners to develop their domain-specific skills and abilities as well as their understanding of and approach to current tasks of orientation, decision-making and debating, seems to be common.

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1There are of course lots of different initiatives and areas of research in the field, which cannot be wholly covered here. E.g. concepts like “service learning” e.g. have been introduced into the German debate (cf. esp. the contributions of Anne Sliwka).

2An exemption is the participation of Germany in the IEA 1999 “civic education” study. Furthermore, some minor-scale projects in this direction to exist, e.g. on competency-development on the subject of European politics.

3The latter characteristic deserves a short by-way of reflection: To refrain from defining specific levels of competencies or at least a parameter by which to distinguish such levels is problematic with a view to teaching, since it leaves open the crucial question of the direction in which competencies (skills and abilities) can and need to be developed. A number of contributions to the debate give no hints whatsoever in their phrasing of competencies as to the levels aimed at: The same wording can be used for describing the abilities needed by a professional. On the other hand, differenciations of levels do have to make sure that they do not merely present additional skills and abilities as higher levels, but elaborated versions of the same competencies in order to direct cumulative learning. Furthermore, it should be noted that “competencies” do not embrace “case knowledge”, i.e. declarative resp. propositional forms of knowledge pertaining to individual situations, cases etc. They rather need to be abstract in a way allowing their holder to apply them to different situations (transfer). Therefore, knowledge formulated within models of competencies needs to be conceptual and categorial knowledge, such as concepts, scripts, principles etc. This, however, does not mean that such specific case knowledge does not hold a place in the new model of organizing learning. It rather should be noted that the two kinds of knowledge need to be presented in different instruments: competency-models and (core-)curricula.

4Needless to say that lots of the resulting texts called “educational standards” did not meet the “standards” set by the Klieme-expertise by far. In some cases, as for history, the main drafts contained little more than classical definitions of subjects to be covered, thus conserving the “input-orientation” within a framework which only used the terminology, not the concepts of the new logic. Other efforts, like our own for history (Schreiber/Körber et al. 2006; Körber/Schreiber/Schöner 2007) refrain from defining “standards” while expressly taking up the concept of “competencies.” This model is so far the first one (at least for history) which expressly elaborates a parameter for differentiating levels (“niveaus”) of the competencies it defines.

5To be noted: the role model for such collections of “educational standards” collecting not content- but performance-standards, the Common European Framework of Reference for Languages (CEFR) had been developed under the auspices of the Council of Europe, had been in development for many years.

6The German term “Politikverdrossenheit” carries a stronger notion of disinterest, annoyance and rejection politics/polity/policies. Cf. Edelstein/Fauser 2001, pp. 6-12.

7The trias (“Herrschaftsform”, “Gesellschaftsform”, “Lebensform”) is formulated by Himmelmann 2004. Democracy as a form of life has been subject of political thought in Germany since at least the 1950s. Cf. e.g. Friedrich 1959; Kirchschläger 1974; Hamm-Brücher 2001.

8Petrik 2004 uses the term “Art-of-Teaching”. The German term “Lehrkunststück” combines the notion of exemplaric learning with a notion of “legerdemain” and teaching being an art. In the works of Martin Wagenschein, “Lehrkunststücke” are teaching arrangements and quests which enable students to detect or discover basic and pathbreaking insights of mankind themselves by solving prepared tasks. The concept has been re-vitalized by Hans Christoph Berg 2004).

9In Hamburg “PGW” (politics, society, economy) in Gymnasium and “civic education” (Gesellschaftskunde” in the new Primary and Urban Quarter Schools (Primarschule, Stadtteilschule), the latter including history and geography.